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Senator Maurice Hayes, Chairman,
The Ireland Funds Advisory Committee writes about
the state of the Peace Process
The year's end brings with it yet another hiatus
in the Northern Ireland Peace Process.
This involves the suspension of the Assembly and
Executive set up under the Good Friday Agreement by
the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Dr. John
Reid M.P.
Dr. Reid was a guest at the June Conference and spoke
warmly of the work of The Funds.
Dr. Reid was then himself transferred from the Northern
Ireland Office to become Chairman of the Labour Party
as a result of Cabinet changes in London. He has been
replaced by Paul Murphy, the Secretary of State for
Wales who has a good track record in having been Minister
of State assisting Mo Mowlem, and having been engaged
in the tortuous inter-party negotiations which preceded
the Good Friday Agreement. He is well thought of by
local parties, and has the reputation of being a good
listener and a patient negotiator.
The reasons for the suspension are complex and multi-lateral.
Although each side blames the other, the reality is
that all share some responsibility. Sinn Féin
argue that the British Government should have insisted
on keeping the institutions going, despite unionist
reluctance. Unionists claim that they could not continue
in office with Sinn Féin without IRA disbandment,
and argue that the British Government should simply
have declared Sinn Féin ineligible, and kept
the Executive in being. The SDLP were not willing
to vote for the exclusion of Sinn Féin, and
could not politically have survived the attempt to
carry on government without them.
While there are some grounds for the argument that
David Trimble was trying to avoid being outbid by
the hardline opponents of the Agreement in his own
party, there is no doubt from the opinion polls that
Unionist support for the Agreement has been steadily
draining away, from 55% in 1998 to less than 30%.
Since the idea of powersharing hypothesises Unionist
involvement and since the purpose of the process is
to draw republicans into the political process through
Sinn Féin, the arrangements can logically not
be maintained in the absence of either.
Unionist faith in the process is vital (as is republican
commitment to it) and this has been badly damaged
by an alleged IRA involvement in continuing militaristic
activities in Colombia (where there is a trial in
progress) at Castlereagh (where a break-in to police
headquarters is being investigated) and at Stormont
(where there are allegations of spying and intelligence
gathering).
It is important to note, as the two governments have
stressed, that although the Assembly has been suspended,
the Good Friday Agreement still stands. The administrative
functions of the Executive are being exercised by
the British Government through the Secretary of State
and a strengthened team of junior ministers, and with
input from the Irish Government through the British
/ Irish Governmental Council (itself a child of the
Agreement). That Council too is pressing on with implementing
other aspects of the Agreement involving the protection
of human rights, reform of policing, reform of the
criminal justice system and North / South bodies.
Tony Blair in a major speech, reaffirmed his commitment
to the Agreement, and said there was no alternative.
He called on the IRA to disband - but he also recognized
the needs of nationalism and promised full implementation
if there was disbandment. Gerry Adams replied in a
thoughtful and nuanced speech, which was welcomed
by David Trimble as a positive contribution, and by
the Taoiseach.
Most people recognize that IRA disbandment is not
on the cards, certainly not in the short term, and
most certainly not in response to British or Unionist
demands. What is needed is a declaration, a demonstration
which will satisfy unionists that the war is over
and will not be renewed. Gerry Adams has said that
he could contemplate a future without the IRA if the
Agreement was implemented in full by all parties,
and that Sinn Féin could join the Policing
Board of the recommendations of the Patten Commission
were implemented.
The parties of the British and Irish Governments
now seem to be bidding for a resolution which will
see 'completion' (which is the current buzz-word)
of the Agreement and which will tie up all the loose
ends before the Assembly Elections in May.
The Irish Government proposes to recall the National
Forum on Peace and Reconciliation, and in the past
few days there appears to be a renewed sense of purpose
in the Northern Ireland parties as the reality of
Suspension sinks in.
One can only wish them well.
This article first appeared
in Connections Winter 2003 issue
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